Burmese Python Snake Facts

The Burmese python (Python bivittatus) is the third-largest species of snake in the world. Although native to tropical southern Asia, the beautifully patterned, docile snakes are popular throughout the world as pets. Fast Facts: Burmese Python Scientific Name: Python bivittatusCommon Name: Burmese pythonBasic Animal Group: ReptileSize: 12 feetWeight: 15-165 poundsDiet: CarnivoreLifespan: 20 yearsHabitat: Tropical rainforests of southern Asia; invasive in FloridaPopulation: Unknown; rare in the wildConservation Status: Vulnerable Description The wild form of the snake has black-bordered brown blotches on a lighter brown background. Captive-bred species come in other colors and patterns, including albino, green, labyrinth, and granite morphs. Albino Burmese Python. Stuart Dee / Getty Images Wild pythons average 3.7 m (12.2 ft), but specimens exceeding 4 m (13 ft) are not uncommon. Rarely, snakes attain lengths between 5 and 6 meters in length. Females are slightly larger than males, but much thicker and heavier. Recorded weights of mature females range from 14 to 75 kg (30 to 165 lb), while weights of males range from 7 to 15 kg (15 to 33 lb). Dwarf forms of the snake occur in some parts of its range and in captivity. Habitat and Distribution Burmese pythons live in tropical regions of southern Asia, always near a permanent source of water. While they are excellent climbers with prehensile tails, they may be found in grasslands and marshes as well as woodlands and jungles. The species is invasive in the southeastern United States. Burmese python range in Asia. Termininja   Diet Like other terrestrial snakes, burmese pythons are carnivores that feed mainly on mammals and birds. The snake is a constrictor that captures and kills prey by biting it and holding it with its rear-pointing teeth, wrapping its coils around prey, contracting its muscles, and suffocating the animal. Prey size depends on snake size. A young python may eat rodents, while a mature specimen can take livestock, adult deer, and alligators. Burmese pythons dont hunt humans, but they have caused some deaths. Burmese pythons adapt their physiology to prey availability. The snakes are opportunistic and will eat whenever prey is offered. Obesity is common in captive specimens. When fasting, the snake has a normal heart volume, reduced stomach volume and acidity, and reduced intestinal mass. Once prey is ingested, the ventricle of the snakes heart increases 40% in mass to aid digestion, its intestines gain mass, and its stomach enlarges and produces more acid. The Burmese python is an apex predator that doesnt face many threats by other animals. Hatchlings may be preyed upon by birds of prey and other carnivores. In Florida, Burmese pythons, depending on their size, may be preyed upon by alligators and crocodiles. Behavior Burmese pythons are primarily nocturnal. Younger, smaller snakes are equally comfortable in trees or on the ground, while larger, more massive snakes prefer the rainforest floor. Most of the snakes time is spent hidden in underbrush. The snakes can stay underwater up to 30 minutes and are excellent swimmers. In cold weather, the snake may brumate in a tree. Brumation is a period of motionlessness and low metabolism, but it isnt the same as true hibernation. Reproduction and Offspring Mating occurs in early spring. Females lay clutch of 12 to 36 eggs in March or April. They incubate the eggs until they hatch by wrapping around them and twitching their muscles to release heat. The female leaves the eggs once they hatch. A hatchling uses its egg tooth to break free of its shell and may remain with the egg until after molting before venturing out to hunt. Burmese pythons live about 20 years. There is evidence Burmese pythons, unlike most reptiles, can reproduce asexually via parthenogenesis. One captive female, isolated from males, produced viable eggs for five years. A genetic analysis confirmed the offspring were genetically identical to their mother. Conservation Status The IUCN lists the Burmese python as vulnerable within its range. All of the large pythons face challenges because they are killed to make leather, used in folk medicine, eaten as food, and captured for the pet trade. To a lesser extent, habitat destruction affects the snakes, too. While the Burmese python occupies a large range, its population has continued to decline. Invasive Species in Florida Meanwhile, the snakes population growth in Florida poses a significant threat to other wildlife. The Burmese python gained a foothold in the United States when Hurricane Andrew destroyed a python breeding facility in 1992. The escaped snakes spread into the Everglades. The release or escape of pet snakes has contributed to the problem. As of 2007, Burmese pythons were found in Mississippi and throughout much of Florida. Where the snakes are well-established, populations of foxes, rabbits, raccoons, opossums, white-tailed deer, panthers, coyotes, and birds are seriously depressed or have disappeared. Pythons compete with the American alligator and also prey upon it. Pets and livestock in affected regions are at risk, as well. Florida sponsors hunting contests; regulates the importation, breeding, and sale of reptiles; and works to raise public awareness of invasive species. However, Burmese pythons remain a problem in the southeastern United States. Sources Campden-Main SM.  A Field Guide to the Snakes of South Vietnam. Washington, District of Columbia. pp. 8-9, 1970.Mazzotti, F. J., Rochford, M., Vinci, J., Jeffery, B. M., Eckles, J. K., Dove, C., Sommers, K. P. Implications of the 2013 Python Challenge ® for Ecology and Management of Python molorus bivittatus (Burmese python) in Florida.  Southeastern Naturalist,  15(sp8), 63-74, 2016.Stuart, B.; Nguyen, T.Q.; Thy, N.; Grismer, L.; Chan-Ard, T.; Iskandar, D.; Golynsky, E. Lau, M.W.N. Python bivittatus. The IUCN Red List of Threatened Species. IUCN. 2012: e.T193451A2237271. doi:10.2305/IUCN.UK.2012-1.RLTS.T193451A2237271.enWalters, T. M., Mazzotti, F. J., Fitz, H. C. Habitat Selection by the Invasive Species Burmese Python in Southern Florida.  Journal of Herpetology,  50(1), 50-56, 2016.Van Mierop, LHS and S.M. Barnard. Observations on the reproduction of Python molurus bivittatus (Reptilia, Serpentes, Boidae). Journal of Herpetology. 10: 333–340, 1976. doi:10.23 07/1563071

The Effects Of Mexican Immigrant Families On The Mexican...

People demonstrate their culture through symbols, attitudes, behaviors, ideas, and values (Brown, Rogers Kapadia, 2008). Cultural factors are believed to be the largest contributor to long-term marriages in the Mexican culture such, as Familismo, Marianismo, Machismo, and Religion (Castillo Caver, 2009). A generally belief is that the highest levels of family cohesion and Familismo are presented in the most recently immigrated groups and that these levels neutralize as the families become more acculturated. Mexican immigrant families have a great emphasis on family reasonability, respect, and support. These desires are interrelated with family unity and connection (Hardway Fuligin, 2006). High patterns of Immigration are presented in the Gonzalez-Elizarraras Genogram (refer to Appendix A), in pursue for a better life for their family and educational opportunities for their children, and to avoid poverty and danger. Family cohesion is evident in the Elizarraras family due close pro ximity of residency, most immigrated to Anaheim, CA. Mexican culture is known for the unified nature of the family. The term â€Å"Familismo† refers to the emphasis on family rather than the individual. The emphasis is on family responsibility to care for one another, loyalty, interdependence, and cohesiveness (Sam Berry, 2010). Familismo has been identified as important among Latino populations. The roles of the parents in Mexican culture are generally well defined, with the father acting asShow MoreRelatedImmigration, The Land Of Opportunity For People1478 Words   |  6 PagesOver hundreds of years, immigration has shaped America into who she is today. July 4, 1776, was the day immigrants first stepped onto North American soil and claimed the land as theirs. 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Sà ¡nchez writes about the Mexican immigrants’ experience migrating to California and settling there, particularly in theRead MoreMexican Culture Of The United States1262 Words   |  6 Pagesdesires, and to tell stories. Mexican Americans have used music for decades to represent and honor their Mexican roots and patriotism, but to also express their struggles in the United States. It’s a pleasant combination of pride, struggle, and the journey of a relatable pain. Stories that are always told with Regional Mexican music are that of â€Å"mojados† (wetbacks), undocumented immigrants, deportation, government corruption and drug cartels. One of the most famous Mexican bands to date is Los TigresRead MoreImmigration Act Of 1965 And The Immigration Reform Essay1648 Words   |  7 PagesUnited States of America is that the nation is one made up of immigrants, it is a basic building block that can not be overlooked, nor should it. That being said, it is important to countless citizens to be open when it comes to immigration, while keeping the country hospitable to its citizens for generations to come. However, this attitude to immigration is a fairly recent phenomenon in American history, especially in regards to immigrants coming in from non-Western European countries. With the introductionRead MoreSocial And Academic Performance Of Undocumented Mexican Women Essay1014 Words   |  5 PagesFor my research, I propose a literature analysis of feelings of guilt, anxiety and sense of separation from social inclusion and the family of undocumented Mexican women in contemporary period. In my research I plan to address the following questions: What propels gu ilt, anxiety and sense of separation in undocumented Mexican women, specially undocumented female Mexican students? How does intersectionalities and the Critical Race Theory play a role to address this issues? 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Ruth Gomberg-Muà ±oz refers to Chuy, Alejandro, Leonardo, Luis, Manuel, Omar, Rene, Roberto, Lalo, and Albert the ten undocumented Mexicans as the â€Å"Lions†. This book shares the Lions many stories from, their daily struggle of living as an undocumented immigrant in America, toRead MoreSafety Or Opportunity? By Donald Trump1715 Words   |  7 Pagesmillions of Hispanic immigrants are faced with the agonizing question of do they leave America to go back to Mexico and safety or do they fight for the right to live in America, the home of opportunity? In fact there are more than 11.7 million Mexican immigrants in the United States (â€Å"Mexican Immigrants in the United States†, 2016) who are potentially faced with this question. With this prominent concer n, a plethora of news articles such as: â€Å"Stay Calm† Mexico Tells Immigrants Living in the US anRead MoreThe Mistreatment of Mexicans Essay1028 Words   |  5 PagesThe Mistreatment of Mexicans Americans take many things for granted. For the majority of the population, life is relatively mild. People are normally not rich, but not poor, not ecstatically happy, but not too depressed either. One might say that the population generally has it easy, as compared to a large percentage of the rest of the world. It is for this reason that a great many people from other countries immigrate here. They are seeking a better life. Often, however, they get mistreatedRead MoreTheu.s. Is A Unique And Special Country1507 Words   |  7 PagesThe fact that some Mexicans send money back to Mexico to their families causes Americans to speculate and, as a result, believe that they are too unattached to the pride that they should have while living in this country because of their close ties still with Mexico. In contrast to that, eighty percent said in the survey that, if they had to go through the process of immigration all over again, they would because â€Å"the U.S. is a unique and s pecial country† (Farkas). Based on that high percentage alone

The Ancient History of Making Olive Oil

Olive oil is, essentially, a fruit juice made from olives. Olives were likely first domesticated in the Mediterranean basin some 6,000 years ago or so. It is thought that oil from the olive was one of several attributes that likely made the bitter fruit attractive enough to result in its domestication. However, the production of olive oil, that is to say, the deliberate pressing of oil out of olives  is currently documented no earlier than ~2500 BCE. Olive oil is a fruit juice made from olives.  First used as lamp fuel and in religious ceremonies in the Mediterranean about 2500 BCE.  First used in cooking at least as long ago as 5th-4th century BCE.  Three grades of olive oil are manufactured: extra virgin olive oil (EVOO), ordinary virgin olive oil, and pomace-olive oil (OPO). EVOO is the highest quality and the one most often fraudulently labeled.   Olive oil was used anciently for a  variety of purposes, including lamp fuel, pharmaceutical ointment, and in rituals for anointing royalty, warriors, and other important people. The term messiah, used in many Mediterranean-based religions, means the anointed one, perhaps (but of course, not necessarily) referring to an olive oil-based ritual. Cooking with olive oil may not have been a purpose for the original domesticators, but that began at least as long ago as the 5th–4th century BCE. Making Olive Oil Making olive oil involved (and still does) several stages of crushing and rinsing to extract the oil. The olives were harvested by hand or by beating the fruit off the trees. The olives were then washed and crushed to remove the pits. The remaining pulp was placed into woven bags or baskets, and the baskets themselves were then pressed. Hot water was poured over the pressed bags to wash out any remaining oil, and the dregs of the pulp was washed away. The liquid from the pressed bags was drawn into a reservoir where the oil was left to settle and separate. Then the oil was drawn off, by skimming the oil off by hand or with the use of a ladle; by opening a stoppered hole at the bottom of the reservoir tank; or by allowing the water to drain off from a channel at the top of the reservoir. In cold weather, a bit of salt was added to speed the separation process. After the oil was separated, the oil was again allowed to settle in vats made for that purpose, and then separated again. Olive Press Machinery Roman olive presses in the city of Sufetula, Tunisia. CM Dixon/Print Collector/Getty Images Artifacts found at archaeological sites associated with making oil include milling stones, decantation basins and storage vessels such as mass-produced amphorae with olive plant residues. Historical documentation in the form of frescoes and ancient papyri have also been found at sites throughout the Mediterranean Bronze Age, and production techniques and uses of olive oil are recorded in the classical manuscripts of Pliny the Elder and Vitruvius. Several olive press machines were devised by the Mediterranean Romans and Greeks to mechanize the pressing process, and are called variously trapetum, mola molearia, canallis et solea, torcular, prelum, and tudicula. These machines were all similar and used levers and counterweights to increase the pressure on the baskets, to extract as much oil as possible. Traditional presses can generate about 50 gallons (200 liters) of oil and 120 gal (450 li) of amurca from one ton of olives. Amurca: Olive Oil Byproducts The leftover water from the milling process is called amurca in Latin and amorge in Greek, and it is a watery, bitter-tasting, smelly, liquid residue. This liquid was collected from a central depression in the settling vats. Amurca, which had and has a bitter taste and an even worse smell, was discarded along with the dregs. Then and today, amurca is a serious pollutant, with a high mineral salt content, low pH and the presence of phenols. However, in the Roman period, it was said to have had several uses. When spread on surfaces, amurca forms a hard finish; when boiled it can be used to grease axles, belts, shoes, and hides. It is edible by animals and was used to treat malnutrition in livestock. It was prescribed to treat wounds, ulcers, dropsy, erysipelas, gout, and chilblains. According to some ancient texts, amurca was used in moderate amounts as a fertilizer or pesticide, repressing insects, weeds, and even voles. Amurca was also used to make plaster, particularly applied to the floors of granaries, where it hardened and kept out mud and the pest species. It was also used to seal olive jars, improve the burning of firewood and, added to laundry, could help protect clothing from moths. Industrialization The Romans are responsible for bringing about a significant increase in olive oil production beginning between 200 BCE and 200 CE. Olive oil production became semi-industrialized at sites such as Hendek Kale in Turkey, Byzacena in Tunisia and Tripolitania, in Libya, where 750 separate olive oil production sites have been identified. Estimates of oil production during the Roman era are that up to 30 million liters (8 million gallons) per year was produced in Tripolitania, and up to 10.5 million gal  (40 million li) in Byzacena. Plutarch reports that Caesar forced Tripolitanias inhabitants to pay a tribute of 250,000 gals (1 million li) in 46 BCE. Oileries are also reported from the first and second centuries AD in the Guadalquivir valley of Andalusia in Spain, where average annual yields were estimated at between 5 and 26 million gal (20 and 100 million li). Archaeological investigations at Monte Testaccio recovered evidence suggesting that Rome imported approximately 6.5 billion liters of olive oil over the period of 260 years. What Is EVOO? Olive oil production in 2018, in the Berber mountain village of Toujane, Tunisia. A blinded donkey is moving an edge mill to crush olives. Thierry Monasse/Getty Images There are three different grades of olive oil made and marketed, from the high-quality extra-virgin olive oil (EVOO) to medium-quality ordinary virgin olive oil, to low-quality olive-pomace oil (OPO). EVOO is obtained by direct pressing or centrifugation of the olives. Its acidity can be no greater than 1 percent; if it is processed when the temperature of the olives is below 30 °C (86 °F) it is called cold-pressed.   Olive oils with between 1 and 3 percent acidity are known as ordinary virgin oils, but anything greater than 3 percent is refined, by accepted chemical solvents, and those oils can also be fairly marketed as ordinary.   Lower Quality Oils and Fraud Pomace is one of the main byproducts of the pressing process; it is a conglomeration of skin, pulp, pieces of kernels, and some oil left over when the first processing is completed, but the oil undergoes rapid deterioration due to the moisture content. Refined OPO is obtained by extracting the remaining oil using chemical solvents and a refining process, then it is improved with the addition of virgin oil to obtain OPO.   Many of the common manufacturers of olive oil practice the fraudulent mislabeling of olive oils. Since EVOO is the most expensive, it is the most often mislabeled. Mislabeling often concerns the geographic origin or oil variety of olive oil, but EVOO which has been adulterated by the addition of cheaper oils is not EVOO anymore, despite its being labeled as such. The most common adulterants in mislabeled virgin olive oils are refined olive oil, OPO, synthetic oil-glycerol products, seed oils (such as sunflower, soy, maize, and rapeseed), and nut oils (such as peanut or hazelnut). Scientists are working on methods of detection of the mislabeled olive oils, but such methods have not been made widely available.   Once someone tries a real extra virgin—an adult or a child, anybody with taste buds—theyll never go back to the fake kind. Its distinctive, complex, the freshest thing youve ever eaten. It makes you realize how rotten the other stuff is, literally rotten.  Tom Mueller Sources: Capurso, Antonio, Gaetano Crepaldi, and Cristiano Capurso. Extra-Virgin Olive Oil (EVOO): History and Chemical Composition. Benefits of the Mediterranean Diet in the Elderly Patient. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. 11–21. Print.Foley, Brendan P., et al. Aspects of Ancient Greek Trade Re-Evaluated with Amphora DNA Evidence. Journal of Archaeological Science 39.2 (2012): 389–98. Print.Guimet, Francesca, Joan Ferrà ©, and Ricard Boquà ©. Rapid Detection of Olive–Pomace Oil Adulteration in Extra Virgin Olive Oils from the Protected Denomination of Origin â€Å"Siurana† Using Excitation–Emission Fluorescence Spectroscopy and Three-Way Methods of Analysis. Analytica Chimica Acta 544.1 (2005): 143–52. Print.Kapellakis, Iosif, Konstantinos Tsagarakis, and John Crowther. Olive Oil History, Production and by-Product Management. Reviews in Environmental Science and Biotechnology 7.1 (2008): 1–26. Print.Mueller, Tom. Extra Virgini ty: The Sublime and Scandalous World of Olive Oil. New York: W.W. Norton, 2012. Print.Niaounakis, Michael. Olive-Mill Wastewater in Antiquity. Environmental Effects and Applications. Oxford Journal of Archaeology 30.4 (2011): 411–25. Print.Rojas-Sola, Josà © Ignacio, Miguel Castro-Garcà ­a, and Marà ­a del Pilar Carranza-Caà ±adas. Contribution of Historical Spanish Inventions to the Knowledge of Olive Oil Industrial Heritage. Journal of Cultural Heritage 13.3 (2012): 285–92. Print.Vossen, Paul. Olive Oil: History, Production, and Characteristics of the Worlds Classic Oils. Horticultural Science 42.5 (2007): 1093–100. Print.

Personal Narrative My First Rendezvous With Computer...

STATEMENT OF PURPOSE â€Å"The more I read, the more I acquire, the more certain I am that I know nothing†. These words by Voltaire, describe my first rendezvous with Computer Science when I entered the computer lab in my 3rd grade at school. Simple commands making a turtle move on the screen in the LOGO programming environment amazed me. I thought about the different permutations that could create something new each time. Little did I know that this subject would transform into an in-depth interest and change the lives of people all over the world as daily life problems could be converted into a few lines of code through an underlying logic. Understanding this logic requires me to understand various technologies, their potentials and their drawbacks as ten to fifteen years down the line of my career I see myself as an entrepreneur. I believe that a Masters in Computer Science would hone my skills and help me to effectuate my dream. Maths, Physics and Computer Science were my favourite subjects in high school and this coupled interest kept me a step ahead of everyone else. The immense satisfaction that automating a problem yields, led me to opt for Computer Science as my major. I worked with innate tenacity and secured an All India Rank among top 1% that got me admitted to HBTI Kanpur, one of the oldest and prestigious colleges in India. The curriculum exposed me to several courses and I developed a fervent interest in Data Structures, Object Oriented Programming andShow MoreRelatedCase Studies67624 Words   |  271 PagesYour lecturer or tutor will determine the specific approach you take. The approach we are presenting to you is a moderately structured framework. We divide our discussion of a moderately structured case analysis method framework into four sections. First, we describe the importance of understanding the skills active learners can acquire through effective use of the case analysis method. In the second section, we provide you with a process-oriented framework. This framework can be of value in your efforts

Negotiation and Culture Case Study Free Essays

string(47) " these aspects in the context of negotiations\." Culture and Negotiations Why do Japanese negotiators behave in the manner they do? How does culture affect negotiating behavior and outcomes? MASTER THESIS Author’s name: Patrycja J. Krause Student’s number: 258891 Academic advisor: Soren O. Hilligsoe Faculty of English Aarhus School of Business May 2006 I would like to thank my Mom, Barbara, for her understanding, encouragement and eternal support, as well as my advisor, Soren O. We will write a custom essay sample on Negotiation and Culture: Case Study or any similar topic only for you Order Now Hilligsoe, for his academic help, advice and faith in me keeping my deadline! Patrycja J. Krause Aarhus, May 2006 In loving memory of my Dad, Wladyslaw, for showing me the world – this one is for you. 2 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 5. 1 5. 2 5. 3 5. 4 5. 5 6. 7. 8. INTRODUCTION METHOD WHY JAPAN? DEFINITION OF CULTURE AND VALUES HOFSTEDE’S VALUE DIMENSIONS POWER DISTANCE UNCERTAINTY AVOIDANCE COLLECTIVISM VERSUS INDIVIDUALISM FEMININITY VERSUS MASCULINITY LONG-TERM VERSUS SHORT-TERM ORIENTATION CRITICAL PERSPECTIVES ON HOFSTEDE EDWARD HALL CULTURAL DIMENSIONS 4 6 7 9 11 12 13 13 14 15 15 16 19 20 21 23 25 26 28 30 40 43 47 59 61 64 65 . 1 CONFUCIANISM 8. 2 IE 8. 3 THE WA-CONCEPT 8. 4 ISOLATION 8. 5 UNIQUENESS 8. 6 WESTERN INFLUENCE 9. 9. 1 10. 11. 12. 13. JAPANESE NEGOTIATOR THE NANIWABUSHI STRATEGY BRETT USUNIER CASE STUDIES CONCLUSION SUMMARY REFERENCES APPENDIX 3 1. Introduction This paper wants to provide a culture-based explanation, examination and analysis as to why Japanese negotiators behave in the manner they do in negotiation, as well as how culture affects nego tiations and their outcome. The paper is, due to the focus on cultural differences, solely dealing with international negotiations. This paper is focusing on the cultural aspect of the negotiation, which is only one piece of a larger puzzle, but it is a crucial and decisive piece. It is now widely accepted that culture indeed has an affect on negotiation and its outcome, which reflects a given culture and the underlying values and beliefs that are central and fundamental in a culture. The culture can be defined as being both behavior, a meaning system and a communication style, and there is a link between the dominant world view present in a given culture (Japan), and the negotiating style that appears to be characteristic of that culture. This paper is not to depict a stereotypical image of a Japanese negotiator, but merely to show that culture indeed does influence the behavior, negotiations and their outcome. It should also be kept in mind that (a) the negotiation is a universal process, and (b) there are a number of contextual factors that too have an impact on the cultures’ impact on the negotiation – e. . the nature of the other party (member of an in-group or an out-group), and the individual difference, although a member of a collectivistic culture tends to suppress his personality and individuality in order to maintain group harmony. This paper is to focus on a Japanese negotiator, who is dominated by his cultural values, and his interaction (in a negotiation) with a member of an out-group (foreigners and people that do not have a long term relationship with the Japanese negotiator), and a member of the in-group (fellow Japanese with established long-term relationships). Several studies and surveys (e. g. Brett and Usunier) have shown that culture does affect the negotiation process and the final agreement or outcome of the negotiations. Nevertheless, while there have been a number of studies that have explored the behavior of negotiators from different cultures, only very few have dealt with the underlying reasons – why people from a given culture behave the way they do. Additionally, most theorists and scholars have relied on the value dimensions index, depicting the differences between cultures, developed by Hofstede between 1968 and 1973. Hofstede’s research has undoubtedly helped people understand other cultures, but there is also a need to understand the underlying reasons why people from a given culture behave the way they do – the so-called mental frames that are shaping the behavior of Japanese negotiators. 4 Otherwise, negotiators tend to create their own interpretation of the behavior of the other party, which without the necessarily cultural knowledge may lead to prejudices and ultimately lack of trust (Gudykunst Kim, 2003: 125-160). For instance, trust in individualistic societies is based on the fact that a promise that will be implemented on a specific time or day, whereas trust in collectivistic societies is based on emotions and relationships as well as on sacrifice. The other party may thus think the Japanese negotiator do not want to reach an agreement within a week because they are difficult and want to sabotage the negotiation or untrustworthy, rather than the Japanese are relationship oriented rather than task oriented. They thus want to establish a relationship before they reach an agreement and need more time in order to reach an agreement because it is based on group consensus. The paper starts by giving a definition and an analysis of culture and values in general in order to delimit and define the cultural framework that is the fundament of this paper. The culture and values of Japan are then to be described and discussed in order to show which cultural factors and dimensions in Japan determine and influence the Japanese negotiator, as well as serving as a an introductory guide to Japanese culture and society – hopefully, the guide will present both useful and interesting knowledge to all those interested in cross-cultural negotiations and intercultural communication. Two frameworks are presented and used in order to gain deeper behavior knowledge of culture: Hofstede’s Cultural Dimension and Hall’s Silent Language and Beyond Culture. Next, the paper discusses and analyzes Japanese negotiating styles and techniques 1 , and how they are influenced by the Japanese culture and cultural values. For this purpose, different aspects of verbal and non-verbal communication are to be discussed as well, and the paper is to analyze the meaning of these aspects in the context of negotiations. You read "Negotiation and Culture: Case Study" in category "Free Case study samples" Finally, the paper is to take a look at two real life cases involving Japanese negotiators in order to illustrate behavior patterns and negotiation styles and techniques of Japanese negotiators. The author of this paper would argue that in an increasingly interdependent world, the ability to negotiate successfully is an important skill, and understanding the mindset and the behavior of the Japanese negotiator is essential and fundamental for successful negotiations. 1 Mainly focusing on the male negotiator, being the dominant player during negotiations in Japan. 5 Being aware of the reasons why the Japanese negotiator behaves and communicates they way he does, one may be less surprised or shocked by Japanese behavior, and may be better at focusing on, and handling, the negotiation itself. Knowledge of culture and cultural values of the other party works as an uncertainty avoidance in negotiations, and helps building trust in stead of tarnishing it with prejudices, which ultimately leads to a dead lock or even break downs. 2. Method The research concerning this paper was mainly carried out in the form of a desktop study method – all the data were carefully collected mainly from secondary sources, such as, studies, surveys, as well as statistics and articles. The paper is culture-based, and the chosen data depict this approach – all the scholars referred quoted and referred to are specializing in culture, intercultural communication, as well negotiating. In order to give a general overview of the Japanese culture as well as to determine what type of values are predominant in Japan, the paper refers to and applies Hofstede’s five value dimensions index – masculinity/femininity, collectivism/individualism, uncertainty avoidance, long-term versus short-term orientation and power distance. Additionally, the paper is also to refer to Hall’s theory on the difference between high and low context and cultures, and the concept of Chronemics, in order to identify the Japanese culture and how these differences and concepts influence a negotiation. Also, several historical concepts (e. g. the ie-concept, geographical isolation, Western influence, etc. and Confucianism, which is one of the cultural dimensions that have influenced the Japanese worldview, are to be described and discussed in order to explain why the Japanese negotiator behaves in the manner he does, and how the historical events and Confucianism affect the culture and the behavior in Japan. Hofstede’s work has been criticized over the years for being incomplete, static and too narrow. The paper is thus to discuss the critical perspectives on Hofstede in order to show that the author has been aware of the possible disadvantages, when using Hofstede’s five value dimensions index. Additionally, Brett and Usunier are also discussed in the paper when dealing with the connection and interaction between culture and negotiation – how does culture affect negotiations. Both Brett and Usunier argue that in order to reach an agreement, the negotiators need to be aware of each other’s culture and cultural values, as well as understand the reasons for the way the other part behaves during negotiations. Finally, two real life case studies have been analyzed in order to depict the culture-based theory described and discussed in this paper. The reason for using case studies was to give a more holistic portrayal of a Japanese negotiator, while analyzing the contents by seeking patterns and themes in the data while referring them to the culture-based theory (e. g. culture and values and how they influence ones behavior and negotiating style) in this paper. Additionally, using case study is the best way to obtain data for analysis when one is not able to make actual field studies by observing Japanese negotiators in action. Both case studies depict the Japanese negotiators interacting and negotiating with members of an out-group, the Americans. This is due to the fact that the author of this paper would argue that when observing two different cultures one observes reactions that may not be present when both parties had the same cultural background, which would ultimately result in a smoother negotiation. Additionally, this paper deals with international negotiations and the importance of knowing and understanding the other party’s culture and cultural values. The case studies are thus used to highlight the focus of the paper – why Japanese negotiators behave in the manner they do in a negotiation, as well as how culture affects negotiations and their outcome. . Why Japan? The author of this paper has chosen to focus on Japan and the cultural values and behavior of a Japanese negotiator due to the following factor: Japan’s consumer market. In order to know how attractive Japan is as a business associate, and thus how important it is to know the Japanese culture and negation behavior in order to win the m arket and succeed in the country, a brief description of the Japanese consumer market will now be given – its size, its consumers and its products. Japan is a closely populated and highly urbanized country with one of the most powerful economies in the world, currently amongst the top three economies in the world, although still rebounding from the collapse of the country’s economy back in 1991. 7 According to the Statistical Handbook of Japan, consumption expenditures increased by approximately 0. 5 percent in real terms due to such factors as the indication of an economic recovery and improvement in consumer sentiment (Statistical Handbook of Japan, 2005 2 : 158). Statistical Handbook of Japan states: As of May 2005, the excellent performance of the corporate sector is continuing, and overall business is recovering gradually. Recovery of employment is lagging slightly. However, the unemployment rate, which was 5. 4 percent in 2002, recovered to 4. 4 percent in May 2005. As seen in this state of affairs, there is some improvement, although harshness still remains. The growth of consumer spending, which slowed between the end of 2004 and early 2005, is showing signs of a resurgence (Statistical Handbook of Japan, 2005: 33 3 ). Due to its geographical nature, Japan cannot supply all its needs for raw material for energy and fuel, metal products, and foods from indigenous resources, and is thus dependent on overseas supplies. In 1996 Japan had an overall deficit in food of about 30 % – in 2003 it was approximately 40 %. According to Statistical Handbook of Japan, the present food self-sufficiency rate of Japan is the lowest among major industrialized countries, so Japan has thus become the world’s largest food importing nation (Statistical Handbook of Japan, 2005: 69 4 ). This makes Japan an attractive market with its 127 million consumers, where women are a majority and retired people outnumber the youngest age strata, and are thus the most significant consumer group (Reischauer, 1995: 25). Additionally, the Japanese are well educated and households have a fairly disposable income, in which the majority of it is spent on food. According to the 2004 Family Income and Expenditure Survey, monthly consumption expenditure averaged ? 304,203per household with two or more family members excluding single-member households (Statistical Handbook of Japan, 2005: 158 5 ). Appendix 1 – Household 3 Appendix 2 – Economy 4 Appendix 3 – Agriculture 5 Appendix 1 – Household 8 Japan is the world’s largest net importer of agriculture and food products (in 2003 alone, the country has imported over 60 % of its food supplies), amounting to US$ 40 to 50 billion annually. Thus, the Japanese food market is powerful but demanding (Agri-Food C ountry Profile: Japan, 2003: 1 6 ). Needless to say, it is a relatively difficult task to target a foreign, and rather remote, market as it may require extra resources and special cultural knowledge. Therefore, it is valuable to study the values and the culture of Japan before entering the country’s market in order to promote and sell a product. 4. Definition of Culture and Values This chapter is to describe and define culture and values in general in order to delimit and define the cultural framework that is the fundament of this paper. At first glace, the human race behaves more or less alike – we smile, laugh and cry. We talk, gesticulate, and perform actions. Nevertheless, our behavior is influenced by our cultures – through the norms and rules existing in our society. Our cultures also affect our communication through the individual characteristics we learn when we are socialized into our culture. In short, our culture provides us with a system of knowledge that generally allows us to know how to communicate with other members of our culture and how to interpret their behavior. Culture can thus be defined as an underlying framework that guides an individual’s perceptions of observed events and personal interaction, and thus directly influences what people will do and what they can do. In short, knowing and using culture and its many dimensions is a must know negotiating with foreigners. Culture includes all learned behavior and values that are transmitted through shared experience to an individual in a society. According to Sir Edward Taylor, a classic definition of culture is as follows: â€Å"Culture is that complex whole which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits acquired by (individuals as members) of society. † (Taylor, 1871: 1). Culture is thus everything that people have (objects), think (ideas, values, attitudes, beliefs), and do (behavior) as members of a particular society. Culture is made up of material objects, ideas, values and attitudes, and behavior patterns (Gudykunst Kim, 2003: 14-19, Yokochi Hall, 2001: 193). 6 Appendix 4 9 Additionally, according to Hall, a culture must have the following three characteristics: 1. It is learned; people over time transmit the culture of their group from one generation to another 2. It is interrelated; one part of a particular culture is deeply interconnected with another part – e. g. religion with marriage, or education and work with social status 3. It is shared; the basic concepts of a particular culture are accepted by most members of the group. In other words, culture develops through recurrent social relationships that form a pattern that is eventually adapted by members of the entire group, and transmitted to new members through the process of learning and interacting with ones environment and other members of ones culture (Hall, 1977: 16). The most fundamental aspect of our culture consists of values. Values are acquired in the family, during the first years of our lives, further developed and confirmed in school, and einforced in work organizations and in life within a national cultural environment. Values determine what we consider to be good and evil, beautiful and ugly, natural and unnatural, rational and irrational, normal and abnormal (Ghauri Usunier, 2003: 97-100, 137-138). Values too are a major influence and determination factor when it comes to behavior and communication during a negotiation. Values are defined by the particular culture, hence the importance of understanding the value concept and culture when negotiating with foreigners. One of the early U. S. esearches of values, Milton Rokeach, defines a value 7 as: â€Å"An enduring belief that one mode of conduct or end-state of existence is preferable to an opposing mode of conduct or end-state of existence†. According to Rokeach values are thus both guiding principles in life, and preferences for one mode of behavior over another. Values are depicted in the general norms of a culture (what is right and wrong), and they are depicted in what we want and what we consider important for ourselves. Values are also among the very first things children learn – implicitly – by observing the community, kyodotai in Japanese (e. . parents and people around them). 7 An attitude, on the other hand, refers to an organization of several beliefs around a specific object or situation. 10 According to the American development psych ologist, Daniel Yankelovich, most important traditional values will remain firm and constant over time, and are thus stable and enduring through generations (de Mooij, 2004: 22-26). It is thus essential to remember that the intercultural communication and negotiation are never far from cultural considerations (Roth, 1982: 6). This assumption was mistakenly conceived from the converging technology and the spread of the English language that was taking place globally (de Mooij, 2004: 1-18). One has to remember though that globalization is not an entirely new phenomenon. In fact, some would argue that it even dates back at least to the Marco Polo’s voyages in the 1300s, and the fundamental values of the many different cultures have not changed significantly since then. People still live in the local. We define ourselves by our differences. It’s called identity – self, family and nation† (de Mooij, 2004: 16). Human behavior is learned and growing up in a culture, a person is taught values, perceptions, wants and how to behave from the family and other institutions (Lasserre Schutte, 1995: 49-59). For instance, in today’s Japan, group harmony is still dominating the nation’s behavior, seniority by age is still respected, and promotion in most public and private organizations is based on the length of service, which is usually connected to the age of the individual. Reciprocity is emphasized in social relations in order to maintain a long-lasting relationship. Values and traditions do not easily change in a society. 5. Hofstede’s value dimensions This chapter is to describe and discuss the Dutch professor, Geert Hofstede’s, value dimension index, which is based on the first international survey taking place in IBM in more than 50 different countries from 1968 to 1973 (Hofstede, 2001: xv), mainly focusing on Japan in order to determine what type of culture is present in Japan. According to Hofstede, the way people perceive and interpret their world varies along five dimensions, and are as follows: power distance, uncertainty avoidance, collectivism/individualism, and masculinity/femininity. Finally, Hofstede added a fifth dimension called long-term orientation in life versus short-term orientation. Each of the countries in Hofstede’s study has been ranked according to their scores in each dimension. 11 According to Hofstede a dimension is: â€Å"†¦an aspect of a culture that can be measured relative to other cultures. Additionally, Hofstede defines culture as: â€Å"The collective programming of the mind that distinguishes the members of one group or category of people from another† (Hofstede, 2001: 9). 5. 1 Power distance Power distance refers to the inequality among people, which the population of a country considers acceptable. There is inequality in all societies, and thus there will always be some people who have more power than ot her. In some cultures power is concentrated among a few people at the top, who make all the decisions, whereas people at the other end simply carry out these decisions. Such cultures are associated with high power distance levels. In other cultures, on the other hand, power is widely spread and relations among people are more equal. These are low power distance cultures. (Hofstede, 1991: 23) According to Hofstede’s value dimensions Japan scores 55 points – placing it in the middle of the index (Hofstede, 1991: 26). In countries which have a high power distance employees dislike to disagree with their superiors. Superiors are seen as paternalistic, and subordinates expect to be told what to do. There is also a large emotional distance between subordinates and their superiors (Hofstede, 1991: 28). When it comes to family and school, parents will teach children to be obedient and the children will treat their parents with respect, just as students will treat their teachers with respect. In high power distance societies inequalities among people are in general expected and desired (Hofstede, 1991: 37). In Japan this inequality is especially expressed in the oya-ko concept (literally meaning parentchild), which originally refers to a leader or a work group and its members. As work and home began to separate during the beginning of modern period of Japan oya and ko began to have a strictly kinship meaning – with no economic aspect – such as it had until the Tokugawa period where the ie (extended household) was more than just a family or a kinship unit – it was an economic organization in which each of its members (not always related to each other by blood or marriage) contributed towards it (Harumi, 1971: 38-39). 12 5. 2 Uncertainty avoidance Uncertainty avoidance describes the need or lack of need a society has towards written or unwritten rules and how it deals with structured or unstructured situations. At the organizational level, uncertainty avoidance is related to factors such as rituals, rules, and employment stability. People in less structured cultures face the future without experiencing unnecessarily stress. The uncertainty associated with future events does not result in risk avoidance behavior. On the other hand, in cultures where people experience stress in dealing with future events, high uncertainty avoidance cultures, various steps are taken to cope with the impact of uncertainty: e. g. long-time planning in order to minimize the anxiety associated with future events. Japan scores 92 points and is seen as a country with high uncertainty avoidance, where there are many regulations and a strong etiquette in order to avoid uncertainty (Hofstede, 1991: 113). 5. 3 Collectivism versus individualism According to several researchers within the field of culture, individualism versus collectivism is one of the basic pattern variants that determine human action. It is a pattern that is visible in every day life, as well as being present in the interaction between people. Individualism indicates the degree to which people of a particular culture learn to act as individuals rather than as members of a group. It is essential to remember that all people and cultures posses both individual and collective traits, but at the same time one of these traits is always more dominant or more visible than the other (Samovar Porter, 2004: 59). A typical collectivistic culture distinguishes between in-groups (relatives, clans, and organizations), and out-groups (the rest of ones network). Ones’ in-groups can be defined as ones’ extended family – like the one found in the Japanese society throughout the history; also known as ie. People from individualistic cultures are self-centered, and feel relatively little need for dependency on others. They seek the fulfillment of their own goals over the goals over the groups. Additionally, people from individualistic cultures are competitive, and show little loyalty to the organizations for which they work. 13 People from collectivistic cultures, on the other hand, have a group mentality (with e. g. joint decision making), where they suppress and subordinate their goals for the sake of the group. They are interdependent on each other and seek mutual accommodation in order to maintain group harmony. People in a collectivistic culture expect that their in-groups will take care of them and in return they owe the in-groups a great deal of loyalty and submission (Samovar Porter, 2004: 61). Children who grow up in collectivistic societies are expected to show lifelong loyalty to the group (Hofstede, 1991: 50-51). In short, individualism versus collectivism, deals with the degree to which one thinks in terms of I versus we – either ties between individuals are loose or people are part of cohesive ingroup throughout their lives (Samovar Porter, 2004: 61). Contrary to the stereotype, Japan actually ranks in the middle of this dimension, with 46 points – but is still defined as being a collectivistic culture (Hofstede, 1991: 67). An interesting theory stated by Kumon Shumpei, a Japanese anthropologist, characterizes Japanese as contextualists rather than collectivists, as is the case in both Hofstede and Hall’s studies. A contextualist retains a personal identity, which the collectivist probably loses, but this personal identity is virtually inseparable from the contextual identity. Thus, the individual changes, depending on the context he is in or the people he is with. One of the arguments Kumon makes to support the theory is that most Japanese belong to in-groups in order to reach a self-realization. But one could argue that even in these â€Å"self-realization in-groups† the members strive to maintain harmony and act for the benefit of the group, making them predominantly collectivistic (Hendry, 1998: 22-39). 5. 4 Femininity versus masculinity One of the main differentiations between masculine and feminine cultures is how gender roles are distributed in cultures. Thus masculine cultures create clearly distinct gender roles; men are supposed to be self-confident, tough and concerned with the material aspect of life, whereas women are expected to be modest, tender and dealing with the quality of life. Thus according to Hofstede Japan is a highly masculine culture (Gudykunst Kim, 2003: 77), whereas in masculine countries both people are taught to be ambitious and competitive. It should be mentioned though that females’ ambitions are sometimes directed towards the achievements of their brothers and later in life their husbands and sons. According to Hofstede’s index, Japan is one of the more masculine countries, scoring 95 – ranking as number one (Hofstede, 1991: 96). 14 5. 5 Long-term versus short-term orientation Michael Harris Bond originally found the fifth dimension in the answers of student samples from 23 countries in 1985 in Hong Kong, and later it was incorporated by Hofstede in his value dimensions index. The reason why this dimension was not found in the original IBM data was due to the fact that the IBM questionnaires were composed from the minds and values of Westerners – whereas the fifth dimension was composed from the minds and values of Easterners. The fifth dimension, nevertheless, is present across all 23 cultures taking part in the survey (Hofstede, 2001: 71-73). Long-term orientation, also known as Confucian Dynamism, is composed of the following values: being determinate or firm, prudent, arranging relationships by status as well valuing interpersonal relationships, as well as having a sense of shame, saving ones face, having a great deal of respect for tradition and reciprocation of greetings, favors and gifts. Japan ranks as number 4 on the Long-term Orientation Index Values, with 80 points (Hofstede, 2001: 351356). 6. Critical perspectives on Hofstede There has been a great deal of critique of Hofstede’s value dimensions when dealing with culture analyses, which this paper will shortly discuss – simply to show that the author of this paper is indeed aware of the advantages as well as disadvantages when using Hofstede’s value dimensions in order to analyze a specific culture. One of the most recent Danish critical analyses was performed by Susan Baca at the Aalborg University where it is being argued that Hofstede’s IBM-based rapport which is supposed to depict characteristic traits visible in cultures cannot be used simply due to the fact that IBMemployees from a specific culture cannot be representative for the culture in question as a whole (Baca, 1999: 11). One can argue that since Hofstede published his IBM-based rapport several other culture-analytics (e. . Triandis, Brislin and Bond) have made further analyses, which do not exactly contradict Hofstede’s value dimensions. These analyses both support Hofstede’s dimensions, as well as having reached the same conclusions. One can also add that since the amount of IBM-employees amounted to hundreds of thousands it is only logical to conclude that one did find enough traits, which can be viewed as characteristic for the cultures in question. 15 Another aspect of Hofstede’s survey-based value dimensions, which is being criticized is the fact that his model is static, and can ultimately not be used because surely the cultures in question studied by Hofstede must have changed over the time since he performed the survey from 1968 to 1973. This is one of the reasons why the paper is looking at the cultural and historical influence on Japanese behavior over time – in order to see if Hofstede’s value dimensions are still valid in the Japanese culture that this paper is dealing with. Susan Baca is also criticizing Hofstede for actually separating a given culture into several, isolated dimensions, strongly supported by Turner and Trompenaars. For instance, Hofstede is depicting the American culture as highly individualistic, but does not describe the interaction people have with each other among the different in-groups – and if one can categorize this interaction as being highly individualistic as well or not (Baca, 1999: 15). To this, the author of this paper can only say, using Hofstede’s own words that this paper’s main task is to study cultures, and not individuals. (Hofstede, 2001: 15). Additionally, in order to back up Hofstede’s theory, this paper is also to refer to Hall’s theory on Chronemics as well as a more general cultural analysis of the Japanese culture. 7. Edward Hall Another cultural framework used in this paper in order to gain deeper behavior knowledge of the Japanese culture, is Hall’s concept of Chronemics as well as his theory on low-context and high-context cultures. According to the American sociologist, Edward Hall, the world is divided into monochronic and polychronic culture, also known as the concept of Chronemics. It is a nonverbal behavior that speaks to how people use time to communicate. Lateness, for example, can communicate messages of power (waiting in the doctor’s office), attraction (arriving early for the first date), or identity (being â€Å"fashionably late†). Chronemics, like all other nonverbal behavior is culturally based. Different cultures have different rules governing the use and meaning of time. Hall’s distinction between monochronic and polychronic cultures highlight the different ends of the cultural spectrums of how culture’s view time. A culture’s conception of time can thus be examined from Hall’s monochronic and polychronic classifications. 16 Monochronic cultures see time as a measurable, quantifiable entity, which is linear. Thus, being punctual, scheduling, planning tasks to match time frames are valued behaviors. In the monochronic culture time becomes a concrete and segmented reality where only one thing can be done at a time without interruptions. Additionally, in negotiations, monochronic people’s main focus is on goals, tasks and results, rather than relationships. Polychronic cultures, on the other hand, tend to view time as nonlinear – almost as a general guideline, which has no substance or structure. There is thus a circular or cyclical quality to time. Punctuality and scheduling is done but rarely found in monochronic cultures. Additionally, people from polychronic cultures are able to do many things at one time, and do not mind interruptions. Because time is not linear or segmented, matching specific activities with specific time frames is not done. Times and activities are fluid. Finally, in negotiations, polychronic people’s main focus is on relationships and people. Japan belongs to the polychronic cultures. In a negotiation context, the Japanese want to get to know their business counterparts, and they feel that the best way to do so is by engaging in long conversations with them. This reflects the fact that the Japanese culture is long-term relationship oriented. Negotiators from polychronic cultures are thus relationship-focused. Monochronic and polychronic time orientations tend to produce two other significant cultural phenomena: the difference between high and low context cultures, which refers to the fact that when people communicate, they take for granted how much the listener knows about the subject under discussion. Negotiators from monochronic cultures are thus deal-focused. Although Edward T. Hall classified Japan as a polychronic culture, Gesteland argues that the Japanese business people expect strict punctuality in meetings and close adherence to schedule. Punctuality in Japan might be ruled by the high level of uncertainty avoidance and the maintenance of group harmony, which is essential for the Japanese culture. Hall also discusses and distinguishes between high-context and low-context cultures. He views meaning and context as being interconnected. The difference between high and low context cultures depends on how much meaning is found in the context versus in the code. 17 One can think of â€Å"code† as the message, and of â€Å"context† as setting or circumstance, including the people, in which the message appeared. In low-context communication, the listener knows very little and must be informed about every detail. In high-context communication, on the other hand, the listener is already ‘contexted’, and does not need to be given much background information. According to Hall, low-context cultures, such as the American culture, tend to place more meaning in the language code and very little meaning in the context. Communication tends thus to be specific, explicit, and analytical. In analyzing messages, low-context cultures tend to focus on â€Å"what was said† and give literal meaning to each word. Low-context cultures tend to use a direct verbal-expression style in which the situation context is not emphasized, important information is usually carried in explicit verbal messages, people tend to directly express their opinions and intend to persuade others to accept their viewpoints, and self-expression, verbal fluency, and eloquent speech are valued. In high-context cultures, on the other hand, such as the Japanese culture, meaning is embedded more in the context rather than the code. In this case, â€Å"what was said† cannot be understood by the words alone – one has to look at who said it, when they said it, where they said it, how they said it, the circumstances in which they said it, and to whom they said it. Each variable will thus help define the meaning of â€Å"what was said. † Hall states: People raised in high-context systems expect more from others than do the participants in lowcontext systems. When talking about something that they have on their minds, a high-context individual will expect his interlocutor to know what’s bothering him, so that he doesn’t have to be specific. The result is that he will talk around and around the point, in effect putting all the pieces in place except the crucial one (Hall: 1977, p. 98). This is also the case with the behavior of a Japanese negotiator – he expects the other party to know exactly what he wants to obtain from the negotiation, and what type of a deal he is looking for. 18 In short, the difference between high and low context cultures depends on how much meaning is found in the context versus in the code, or, in high-context exchanges, much of the â€Å"burden of meaning† appears to fall on the listener. In low context cultures, the burden appears to fall on the speaker to accurately and thoroughly convey the meaning in her spoken or written message. Conclusively, according to Hall, Japan and the Japanese negotiator belongs to the polychronic culture type. Thus, in a negotiation context, the Japanese want to get to know their business counterparts by engaging in long conversations with them. This again reflects the fact that the Japanese culture is long-term relationship oriented. Additionally, Japan is a high-context culture, where meaning is embedded more in the context rather than the code. Japanese negotiators expect thus more from the other party and when something is bothering them, they tend to express this indirectly (for instance by using silence) (Cohen, 1997: 159-160, Rowland, 1993: 68-69). Finally, although Edward T. Hall classified Japan as a polychronic culture, Gesteland argues that the Japanese business people expect strict punctuality in meetings and close adherence to schedule. Punctuality in Japan might be ruled by the high level of uncertainty avoidance and the maintenance of group harmony, which is essential for the Japanese culture (Hall, 1973, 1977, Gudykunst Kim, 2003: 69, 179-180). 8. Cultural Dimensions This chapter is to discuss and analyze which values and cultural dimensions that are present and dominant in Japan in order to understand the behavior of a Japanese negotiator: Confucianism Ie The WA-concept Isolation – geographical political Uniqueness Western influence 19 8. 1 Confucianism The cultural perspective has for some time provided the dominant paradigm in comparative studies management, organization and cross-cultural negotiations. Even before Hofstede’s survey on cultural values, international studies of organization generally regarded culture as the key explanatory factor for cross-cultural differences. One of the most important influences on Japanese everyday life, culture and behavior was, and still is, Confucianism, which entered Japan via Korea in the 5th Century. Japanese culture and behavior reflect the values of collectivism and harmony, and are highly inspired and influenced by Confucianism. Confucius (Kongzi, 551-479 BC) writing around the time of Socrates but a while before Jesus Christ, based his ideas on absolute respect for tradition, on a strict hierarchy of primary relationships between family-members, and then again between the people and their rulers. His philosophy was intended to guide people’s everyday life, to regulate social behavior, and it established a mode of thought and habit that has persisted and that blended well with other belief systems that were and still are present in Japan, such as Buddhism and Shinto. The central concepts of the Confucian ethic were summarized in the Three Cardinal Relationships: ruler guides subject, father guides son, and husband guides wife), five constant virtues (benevolence, righteousness, propriety, wisdom, and fidelity, and the doctrine of the mean (harmony). In this teaching, emphasis is on the obligation of the inferior to the superior. The assumption is that society needs a hierarchical order in which every individual has his or her own place, and the peace and harmony prevail if everyone follows the proper manner of conduct. These concepts are the fundament of the Japanese society to this very day. Also, the Confucian teachings emphasized uprightness, righteousness, loyalty, sincerity, reciprocity, and benevolence as personal virtues. The principle of filial piety was especially useful during the Tokugawa period when family was the social and economic unity of society. Occupation and property belonged to the family. Continuation of the family line was thus a primary concern because it was a necessity for keeping ones position and income. Individuals often sacrificed their happiness to ensure survival of the family. After Japan was centralized under the Meiji government in the 19th century, the concept of filial piety was expended to embrace the idea of loyalty to the emperor, who was regarded as the father of the nation. 20 The Confucian concepts of hierarchy in human society and respect for age were useful in the feudal society, also during the Tokugawa period, which was structured hierarchically. Its stability rested on individual’s dutiful fulfillment of obligations to their superiors and maintenance of proper conduct in daily life. The general rules of conduct were respect for seniors in social rank and age, and acknowledgement of the superiority of man over women. Additionally, Confucius laid down that Ren or benevolence was the supreme virtue the follower can attain. As a strictly natural and humanistic love, it was based upon spontaneous feelings cultivated through education. In order to attain Ren, you have to practice Li, which represents social norms. The latter can be interpreted as rituals, rites or proprieties and includes all moral codes and social institutions. As Li is a term for moral codes and social institutions, one could assume that the practice of Li is to enforce social conformity at the cost of the individual. However, an individual personality is not an entity cut off from the group. According to Confucius, in order to establish one self, one has to establish others. There is interdependence between the individual and the group that is essential in order to create harmony. The strong Japanese cultural preference for basing business transactions upon the quality of inter-personal relationships and for settling disputes through mediation rather than relying upon contracts and legal process can be seen to stem from this philosophy (McGreal: 1995). According to Confucius, all societies deal with survival, production, distribution, and consumption – yet they all develop different systems in order to survive and obtain their ultimate goals and aims. Things have changed in the Japanese society when it comes to material and technological development. As far as human relations and communication with foreigners are concerned, things have not changed. One can say that Japan has modernized, but it has not westernized just yet (Kodansha, 1994: 202-218, McGreal, 1995: 5-7, Cohen, 1997: 159-160, Gudykunst Kim, 2003: 80, 119, 217, Samovar Porter, 2004: 213-217). 8. 2 Ie Japan is a Shinto, Confucianism and Zen Buddhism inspired culture, Confucianism being the fundament, where everything and everyone is connected and relies on each other in order to exist. 21 The concept of ie, or extended household/kinship unit in traditional Japan, thus containing more than close family members all living under the same roof – and under the authority of one male, describes this way of thinking, or the Japanese values, the best. The main focus in ie is on in-group benefits, harmony and family – where interdependence and togetherness is essential (de Mooij, 2004: 100-1003, Harumi, 1971). Although the ie-concept does not formally exist in the original form 8 , as it did during the pre-modern or feudal Japan, one still finds it in the underlying values of the Japanese people. The ie-concept 9 became dominant and visible during the Edo or Tokugawa period (16001867), where a strict political regime was introduced by the Tokugawa family, who, besides retaining large estates, also took control of major cities, ports and mines in Japan. Under Tokugawa rule, Japan entered a period of national seclusion (sakoku), where the Japanese were forbidden to travel to or return from overseas or to trade abroad. Only the Dutch, Chinese and Koreans were allowed to remain and they were placed under strict supervision. Additionally, to ensure political security, the daimyo were required to make ceremonial visits to Edo every other year, and their wives and children were kept in permanent residence in Edo as virtual hostages of the government. The cost of this constant movement and the family ties in Edo made it difficult for the daimyo to remain anything but loyal. At the lower end of society, farmers were subject to a severe system of rules, which dictated their food, clothing and housing. Social mobility from one class to another was blocked – social standing was determined by birth. Additionally, women in the Japanese society were fully submitted men 10 . Women were submitted either their fathers, husbands or in the case of widows, their eldest son – with no legal rights. Ie means extended household – thus containing more than close family members all living under the same roof – and under the authority of one male. Ie was formally abolished in 1947 with the introduction of the New Constitution, which prescribed a more â€Å"Democratic† family system based on equal rights of husbands and wives. Inspired by Confucianism. 10 This submission was further supported by the Civil Code of 1898, which placed women in the family under the authority of men. 8 22 The patriarchal family structure, ie, was officially abandoned in 1947, but one can still sense its presence, in a revised form, in today’s Japanese society – both in the corporal system where the chief executive is the male, who has been working for the company longest tim e, and in family life where women take care of children and men provide for the well-being of the amily. Nevertheless, the rigid emphasis of these times on submitting unquestionably to rules of obedience and loyalty has lasted to the present day. Today the ie-concept is still visible in that Japanese businessmen do not entertain their business associates at home. There is both a practical and a social reason for not doing so. First of all, the typical Japanese home is small and a larger group of people simply cannot fit in. Second,† Home† for the Japanese is very private. It is generally only open to relatives, long-time friends, children’s friends and their own family – the so-called in-group. Additionally, salary has for many years been linked to the age of employees until they entered their forties to fifties age – a male worker had thus a lifetime-employment guarantee until they reached their fifties. However, this system does not operate in small-business sector. The seniority system is one of the special characteristics of Japanese employment practices. Since the 1990s, however, there has been a substantial increase in the number of companies, who are reconsidering this type of employment system, and progress is being made in introducing a new compensation system based on employee’s performance rather than their age and the amount of time they have worked for the company in question (Sugimoto, 1997: 80, Kodansha, 1994: 117-118, Hendry, 1998: 22-39). In short, ie puts an emphasis upon continuity, succession practices, and some of the socioreligious (e. . volunteer organizations such as environmental movement groups) functions that still occupy an important place in Japan today (Refsing, 1990, 11-25, Bando, 1980: 27-29, Hendry, 1998: 22-39, Harumi, 1971: 38-39, Sugimoto, 1997: 80, Kodansha, 1994: 117-118) 8. 3 The Wa-concept According to Wierzbicka, cultural values and behavior of a particular culture can be found in a core concept. For Japan this core concept is wa, which means harmony, unity or the desire to be one with those of your in-group. The wa-concept illustrates the concept, with several aspects (please see below), that although people have differences, it is the most convenient when people want the same thing at the deepest level. 23 This deep level of sharing underlies the desire for harmony at the interpersonal level, as well as a high level of consideration of others within ones group, and creates a unity among members of the in-group. In Japan, individuals are thus expected to act in ways that protect the unity or wa of the in-group (Wierzbicka, 1992). The several aspects, which the Wa-concept consists of, are described and discussed below: Enryo is an aspect that is encompassed in wa, illustrates the effort of avoiding explicit opinions, assessments, or other displays of personal feelings. It is thus a form of self-restraint that proscribes the brining of attention to oneself and ones personal desires in order to avoid having others think badly of one. Japan has been categorized as a high-context culture, and in a communicative context, the meaning is often implicit. The focus is thus on the listener and his or her ability to understand implicit messages. Sasshi refers thus to the ability to guess or intuit another person’s meaning without that person having to express it directly. Implicit communication is essential in a collective culture where maintaining harmony and avoiding conflicts is essential. Amae refers to a form of mutual dependency, or a relationship in which one person is in a protective stance toward another (Wierzbicka, 1992). The desire for amae motivates one to belong to a group and depend on another person. Amae emphasizes thus a protective relationship and a mutual dependency between the members of the in-group. Giri refers to a type of obligation felt toward others who have done something good for the person. According to Befu, it is a â€Å"moral imperative to perform ones duties toward members of ones group† (Befu, 1986: 162). It is also a long-term relationship and a sense that one will be forever in the other person’s debt. This sense of obligation is very typical in a culture that stresses the wa-concept as well as in collectivist cultures, where members of the in-group are closely tied to each other. Awase refers to the ability to always be able to adjust to the situation or the circumstances. The self is thus constantly changing and moving with the situation, whereas the group is constant and needs to be maintained. Thus, maintaining wa equals being flexible in situations, and not on consistently following ones principles. 24 Kenson involves discounting ones abilities and to avoid standing out in order to maintain the status quo of a relationship. Kenson is sometimes manifested in a verbal apology, and it demonstrates a desire not to disturb the nature of the relationship, and a desire to maintain group harmony. For instance, a speaker may begin his or her speech by apologizing to the audience for his or her low status or insufficient knowledge on the topic – this depicts humility. Kata refers to the constant and familiar way something is done. In Japan, there is a kata or form for almost everything – from the way one plays ball to the way one performs a tea ceremony. The Japanese thus value form over function and process over outcome – an important element to remember when involved in negotiations with the Japanese. This again refers to the uncertainty-avoidance that is present in the Japanese culture, which illustrates itself in the form of strict rules and regulation (Wierzbicka, 1992, Gudykunst Kim, 2003: 5354). 8. 4 Isolation Another dimension characterizing Japan is the historical separateness of Japan from the rest of the world 11 , and the strong belief in the uniqueness of the Japanese culture and society. Its distance from the Asian continent and from the rest of the world had a crucial influence over the formation of the Japanese society and culture. The isolation began during the Tokugawa period when the Tokugawa government was trying to create relative peace and security. Instead, the government was facing stagnation, corruption and isolation. Famines and poverty among the peasants and samurai weakened the system even further. Additionally, foreign ships (from Russia, Britain and the USA) started to examine Japan’s isolation with increasing insistence, and Japan realized that their defenses were outdated and ineffective. In 1853, Commodore Matthew Perry of the US Navy arrived with his famous â€Å"black ships† to demand the opening of Japan to trade, followed y other countries. This resulted in a stream of antigovernment feeling among the Japanese due to the fact that it failed to defend Japan against foreigners and of neglecting the national reconstruction and modernization. 11 The first contact with the West occurred about 1542, when a Portuguese ship, blown off its course to China, landed in Japan. 25 After 200 years of total isolation from the outside world – due to the fear of Western and Christian invasion or superiority, Japan agreed to open the country to the outside world. Nevertheless, 200 years of isolation has resulted in a rather great amount of regulations, etc. (one may argue that this is a hidden form of protectionism) that are there in order to adopt an e. g. Western product to the needs and circumstances of the Japanese culture. This separateness, or isolation, has also caused the Japanese to be extremely aware of anything that comes from outside, and they thus strongly distinguish between foreign and native culture, as well as its products and innovations (Reischauer, 1995: 32, Kodansha, 1994: 32-37, 131-132, Wakaba, 1996: 4-12). 8. 5 Uniqueness The Japanese people have long believed that they are the children or descendants of gods, living in a divinely land. In the 18th century, the scholar, Motoori Norinaga, was responsible for resurrecting ancient myths about Japan and the Japanese. Before Norinaga’s time, Japanese scholar viewed China and its civilization as the most important in the world. Norinaga attacked this view, claiming that Japan was superior to any other country in the world. According to him, Japan was the country where the Sun Goddess was born, making it the epicenter of all other nations. With the appearance from the early 19th century of Russian, British, and other foreign ships in the waters of Japan, there was an intense debate on how to react, since the country had had a policy of isolation from the rest of the world for two hundred years. The military government thus attempted to promote hate and fear of foreigners by law 12 . In 1825, Expulsion Edict was implemented, prohibiting all barbarians and Westerners from entering Japan. If a foreign ship was seen, it was fired upon and driven off. If foreigners went ashore, they were captured and their ship destroyed. 2 Antiforeign attitudes in Japan have generally been limited to the official level. 26 The belief in superiority and uniqueness of all things Japanese have weakened but not entirely disappeared in the present-day Japan. Although this extraordinarily chauvinistic mentality was temporarily restrained after the defeat in WWII, the post-war â€Å"economic miracle† has reawakened the feelings once again. Nevertheless, the rigid, exclusive world view that has been present in pre-1945 Japan, no longer dominates the country. Ultra-nationalism has been discredited – at least in mainstream social, political, and intellectual life. The ideology that has its place is a set of rules by which society generally has learned to operate efficiently. The set of rules are learned from parent, the authority figures, the educational system and the mass media, and contain among other things social solidarity, or collectivistic behavior and thinking, hierarchical social structure, or power distance, role playing, or tatemae, reciprocal obligations, or group harmony. Although this set of rules is far weaker than the pre-war ultra-nationalistic ideology, it is still more rigid and omnipotent than those of e. g. Western societies. In Japan, the rights of the group are thus prioritized over those of the individual, and there are rules for most activities, creating a dependency on others and on group, which again reinforces an ideal of rules, group harmony and collectivism. The Japanese ideal portrays men and women behaving modestly, speaking prudently, and avoiding offending others and maintaining in-group harmony. For them, the deal of individualism is un-noble, risky and illogical. The Japanese desire people to be polite, courteous and indirect with each other. The Japanese are only frank on rare occasions, striving to put the best face, as well as save face, on themselves and situations (Cohen, 1997:146147, 184-186, 224). To express what one really thinks or feels in Japan is regarded as uncultivated and vulgar. The Japanese do not see themselves in first place as individuals, but as group-oriented members. The social group gives them approval, identity and companionship, status, and meaning as such with their lives. All the group members are interdependent. Matsumoto used a food model in order to describe human relations in Japan, calling it natto (fermented soybeans). Fermented soybeans sit in sticky glue of starch, and it is impossible to extract one without pulling out the others – they are all connected by the same glue. According to Matsumoto, the beans represent the closeness and interdependence present in the Japanese culture (March, 1996: 15-34, Kodansha, 1994: 32-37, 131-132, Wakaba, 1996: 4-12). 27 8. 6 Western Influence The Japanese culture has been greatly influenced by Western cultures throughout the years, such as the British, the Prussian (e. g. in 1889, Japan created Western-style constitution greatly influenced by Prussia), the Portuguese, and the American. The Western influence entered the shores of Japan through trade, Christianity (missionaries) and war (WWII and the American occupation), as well as through cultural and business exchanges (e. g. through travels and international business). During the mid-16th Century, the Europeans made their first appearance on the shores of Japan. The first Portuguese to be shipwrecked in 1543 found an appreciative Japanese reception for their skills in making firearms. The Jesuit missionary, Francis Xavier, arrived in 1549, and was followed by more missionaries who converted local lords to Christianity (several hundred thousand converts particularly in Nagasaki) – keen to profit from foreign trade and assistance with military supplies. Initially, the Japanese emperor saw the advantages of trading with Europeans and tolerated the arrival of Christianity as a counterbalance to Buddhism. However, this tolerance gradually turned into suspicion of a religion, which he saw as a threat to his rule. This suspicion resulted in rulings against Christianity and the crucifixion of 26 foreign priests and Japanese believers in 1597. The prohibition and the prosecution of Christianity continued under the Tokugawa government until it reached its peak in 1637 with the brutal suppression by the authorities of the Christianled Shimabara Rebellion. This put an end to the Christian Century although the religion continued to be practiced secretly until it was officially allowed at the end of the 19th Century. Additionally, in order to eliminate Christianity’s presence in Japan, it was required for every family to register a Buddhist temple, becoming a familiar scene in every community. Because of this religious policy, all Japanese today are Buddhist by default. The Western influence continued during the Meiji period (1868-1912) when the Japanese economy underwent a crash course in westernization and industrialization. An influx of Western experts was encouraged and Japanese students were sent abroad to acquire expertise in modern technologies. During the Meiji period, the process of modernization and industrialization took place in Japan, inspired by Western philosophers. An almost obsessive admiration and adaptation of Western ideas and culture had taken place during this period. 28 By the 1890s, the Japanese government leaders were concerned by the spread of liberal Western ideas and encouraged nationalism and traditional Japanese values. Japan was becoming more confident and an equal player to the Western powers, resulting in the abolition of foreign treaty rights and, in the years to come, in nationalism. This continued till Japan’s defeat in WWII, and the American occupation. The main aim of the occupation was to reform the Japanese government through demilitarization, the trial of war criminals and the removal of militarist and ultranationalists from the government. Additionally, a new constitution was introduced, which dismantled the political power of the emperor, forcing him to publicly reject any claim to divine origins. Once again, Japan was influenced, if not ruled, by Western powers. Finally, in the late 19th century, Western Europe became its model for modernization.

Human Centred Security and Privacy Research †MyAssignmenthelp.com

Question: Discuss about the Human Centred Security and Privacy Research. Answer: Introduction Every user, business unit and Government is associated with a lot of data and information in the present scenario of digitalization. There are numerous web-based and cloud computing applications that are being used by all of these entities for a variety of different purposes. As a result, there are many security risks and concerns that have emerged which are required to be managed, controlled and dealt with. Victorian Protective Data Security Framework abbreviated as VPDSF is a Victorian Government security initiative that has been brought forward to keep the public sector unit of Victoria safe from all the security occurrences. Public sector units carry out a lot many operations and activities which are open to many security risks. VPDSF has three major elements in terms of the security definition and protocols, assurance model in association with security and many supporting guides and references to move ahead in the direction of security. The report also covers many of the areas f or protection against the security events and threats. There are certain security risks and concerns that have a low likelihood or a low impact. In case of the VIC Government, the data security risks that may take place will have the potential to cause damage to the public and private information sects associated with the public sector unit of Victoria. There are two such security attacks that have a high exposure in association with the VIC Government. Insider threats may be carried out by the internal employees of the various organizations belonging to the public sector unit in Victoria. These internal entities will be aware of the data security policies and mechanisms being applied and may take advantage of the same to cause damage to the properties of the information sets. In addition to the same, there may also be attacks on the information availability with the execution of the flooding attacks (Cpdp, 2016). Risks with Medium Exposure The next category of the attacks is the risks with medium risk exposure. There may be cases of information and data breaches that may take place along with the occurrences which may lead to the leakage of the information in front of the unauthorized entities. The integrity of the information is one of the properties that may get violated with the integrity attacks such as message alteration, media alteration or changes in the properties of the data packets. The access points in the network may be utilized for this purpose which may impact the information present in the databases or the one under transmission as well. Some security risks may lead to the damage to the information properties of personal and sensitive information sets. There are tighter legal policies that are associated with these information sets and the security attack in turn may lead to the emergence of further risks in form of legal risks and regulatory obligations. There are initiatives that VIC Government has taken to provide additional protection to these sensitive data sets and therefore, the likelihood of the occurrence is not very high. Public sector units in VIC Government have many people deployed at various levels in the technical, operational and managerial departments. Due to the presence of so many activities and the need to execute so many different processes, there may be technical or operational errors that may be executed. These may lead to some permanent damage which may not be roll-backed. Such risks are therefore placed in this category (Dang-Pham, 2017). Data and information security attacks that are given shape by the attackers involve a lot many threat agents. There are also different motives and benefits that are involved with each of such occurrence. The case is same with VIC Government that may become victim to many of the information security attacks. These occurrences have been put in two categories on the basis of the motive of the attacker that is involved. These risks may be deliberately caused or may be caused by an accidental step. Deliberate Threats Accidental Threats In these forms of attacks on data and information security, the primary motive of the attack is to cause intentional damage to the contents and properties of the data sets. In these forms of attacks on data and information security, the primary motive of the attack is to not to cause intentional damage to the contents and properties of the data sets. These are cause by an accident. The damage and the outcomes of these attacks can be extremely severe in a negative manner. These attacks may have no or low impact or may also have a permanent damage with a severe impact The time of execution of these attacks is determined in advance and these are planned to be triggered at specific duration. The time of execution of these attacks is not known or planned as they are caused by accident. Flooding attacks such as denial of service and distributed denial of service and other availability attacks (Kaynar, 2016) Malware attacks such as the ones caused by triggering and launch of a virus or worm. Network based security attacks such as man in the middle attacks, eavesdropping attack etc. Information loss or leakage due to an operation error or a deviation from the regular path. Information breaching by an external entity due to exposure of private information. Attacks that are caused by the internal employees of the agencies and organizations can fall in any of these two threat categories. It is because of the reason that there may be certain insiders that may cause deliberate damage by giving shape to the information and data security risks. Insider attacks may also come in the category of the accidental risks and attacks. There may be certain insiders that may cause unintentional damage by giving shape to the information and data security risks due to an accident. Irrespective of the type of the security risk or an attack, it is necessary to control and prevent the same. The VIC Government has also carried out an analysis on the possible deliberate and accidental threats and has therefore, developed measures to prevent and detect these risks. There are also various other organizations and departments that have carried out successful steps and strategies to control these attacks. One such entity is the Department of Homeland security that has successfully controlled the various deliberate and accidental threats and attacks. There is a step by step procedure that was followed in this case. In the initial step, there was an analysis that was carried out to identify and classify the attacks in each of the two categories. In the next step, there were mitigation guidelines and strategies that were developed and identified to put a check on the security occurrences that were identified. It was concluded that the deliberate attacks were intentional and planned in advanced and therefore, they had the potential to cause damage that was severe in most cases as compared to the accidental attacks. There were many security gaps that were highlighted by the Department of Homeland Security in its analysis phase. The department as a result, implemented many automated solutions to resolve the gaps that were discovered. Training sessions were also conducted to improve the knowledge of the insiders. It is recommended for the VIC Government to follow a similar policy such that the security gaps are listed and identified and there are measures developed and implemented in accordance with the same (Korzhik, 2003). Security/Risk Management Execution Possible Challenges and Issues Management of the security risks can be done by adopting different methods and techniques. Some of these methods may include the resources that may be internal in nature while there are certain measures that be taken which may involve the use of external resources and entities. The aim in both the cases will be to put a stop on the security risks and occurrences. In case of the internal methodology, it will be decided to make use of the in-house development processes to give rise to the required security controls and protocols. The security infrastructure in the VIC Government will thereafter make use of all these controls developed. The resources in terms of tools, equipment, processes and human resources that will be used in this methodology will be entirely internal in nature. There are specific set of challenges that are associated with these methods. There may be insufficient skills and inadequate knowledge that may be witnessed which may lead to the compromise of security. The human resources that will be working on the development process will have additional information on the security framework which may be misused by them. There may be technical failures that may lead to breakdown. There may be operational errors that may cause permanent damage. The second methodology that has been recommended in association with the VIC Government is the use and application of the external methods and resources. In this case, the best possible method will be the use of outsourcing process. In this process, the third-parties will be contacted to develop and implement the necessary security protocols. The external method will cost more than the internal method and there may be a number of additional costs involved (Bertino, 2015). There may be deviations that may be observed in terms of the functional and non-functional requirements. The production data and information may be played with. The changes that will be introduced with the adaptation of any of these two processes will be common. These will give rise to a lot many migration challenges in terms of change planning and management of these changes. Comparison of Risks and Uncertainties Risk and uncertainty are the two terms that are often used inter-changeably. However, there is a vast difference between the two terms, their meaning and their results. Risk is a term that refers to the event or an occurrence that is predictable and can therefore be controlled as well. The impacts that a risk may have may be positive but are usually negative in nature. There are many of the data and information security risks that may be executed by the attackers in association with the VIC Government. These risks may have a varying degree of impact as the impact may be low or exactly opposite of it. There are two security attacks that have a high exposure in association with the VIC Government. Insider threats may be carried out by the internal employees of the various organizations belonging to the public sector unit in Victoria. In addition to the same, there may also be attacks on the information availability with the execution of the flooding attacks. There may be cases of information and data breaches that may take place along with the occurrences which may lead to the leakage of the information in front of the unauthorized entities. The integrity of the information is one of the properties that may get violated with the integrity attacks such as message alteration, media alteration or changes in the properties of the data packets. Some of the security events may lead to the emergence of legal and regulatory risks with medium-low impact. Due to the presence of so many activit ies and the need to execute so many different processes, there may be technical or operational errors that may be executed. These may lead to some permanent damage which may not be roll-backed. Such risks are therefore placed in this category of low-impact risks (Pernebekova, 2015). Uncertainties are referred to the occurrences and events that are not predictable and because of the same reason; it is difficult to put any control on these occurrences. One such event may be the changes in the rules defined by the Government in terms of the regulatory processes of legal policies that are set up. With changes in the terms and conditions of these policies, there will be direct impact on the agencies and organizations connected with the same. VIC Government is made up of hundreds of agencies and organizations that adapt these policies in their framework and have developed their security profile accordingly. With such uncertain events, there will be modifications that will become mandatory to be executed which may lead to the violation of security. Risk Control and Mitigation The first approach that has been suggested for VIC Government is the administrative approach that involves the use of advanced measures in the security administration. The overall security status and scenario is based upon the policies and plans that have been implemented in association with the data and information security. It is therefore necessary to have advanced administrative policies and measures in place. This approach suggests the use and implementation of the automated tools for security administration such as security audits, security reviews and inspections. These tools will provide the administrators with an automated process to carry out these activities. The VIC Government shall also make sure that the security administrators have a correct mix of skills and knowledge. The second approach that has been recommended to the VIC Government is the use of technical approach and methods (Joshi, 2017). There are a lot many technical tools that are automated in nature and are built using the latest technology. These tools shall be installed and implemented in the agencies and organizations that are governed by the VIC Government to detect, prevent and control the attacks on the information confidentiality, integrity and availability. These tools will also minimize the occurrence of the network based attacks as the network activities will be captured at a non-stop basis. Physical Security Approach for Risk Mitigation Data and information that is associated with the VIC Government is placed at the data centres, workstations of the employees, cloud databases, server rooms and various other physical and virtual environments (Shamala, 2013). The third approach that has been recommended for the security and risk mitigation is the physical security approach. It will make use of the physical entities at all the access and entry points to manage the access and identity. Out of the three approaches that have been suggested, the one that is recommended is the technical approach. This approach has been recommended as it will provide the VIC Government with the latest technology and tools to deal with the security risks and attacks. Also, there shall be an update on the administrative and physical security that shall also be done to strengthen the security framework (Renaud, 2017). Conclusion The data security risks that may take place in the VIC Government may impact three primary properties of information as confidentiality, availability and integrity. It is required to develop mechanisms to control all of these risks and the use of technical approach towards security will serve the purpose. It will include the latest set of security tools and equipment that will not only identify the security risks but will also lead to the control and prevention of the risks (Elci, 2015). References Bertino, E. (2015). Security and privacy of electronic health information systems. International Journal Of Information Security, 14(6), 485-486. https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10207-015-0303-z Cpdp. (2016). Victorian Protective Data Security Framework. Retrieved 28 August 2017, from https://www.cpdp.vic.gov.au/images/content/pdf/data_security/20160628%20VPDSF%20Framework%20June%202016%20v1.0.pdf Dang-Pham, D. (2017). Exploring behavioral information security networks in an organizational context: An empirical case study. Journal Of Information Security And Applications, 34, 46-62. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2016.06.002 Elci, A. (2015). Editorial: Special issue on security of information and networks. Journal Of Information Security And Applications, 22, 1-2. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2015.06.002 Joshi, C. (2017). Information security risks management framework A step towards mitigating security risks in university network. Journal Of Information Security And Applications, 35, 128-137. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2017.06.006 Kaynar, K. (2016). A taxonomy for attack graph generation and usage in network security. Journal Of Information Security And Applications, 29, 27-56. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2016.02.001 Korzhik, V. (2003). Hybrid authentication based on noisy channels. International Journal Of Information Security, 1(4), 203-210. https://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10207-002-0017-x Pernebekova, A. (2015). Information Security and the Theory of Unfaithful Information. Journal Of Information Security, 06(04), 265-272. https://dx.doi.org/10.4236/jis.2015.64026 Renaud, K. (2017). Contemplating human-centred security privacy research: Suggesting future directions. Journal Of Information Security And Applications, 34, 76-81. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2017.05.006 Shamala, P. (2013). A conceptual framework of info structure for information security risk assessment (ISRA). Journal Of Information Security And Applications, 18(1), 45-52. https://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2013.07.002